By Jim Johnson, June 22, 2004
Welcome to the ideological foundations of postmaterialism — the political worldview for both the Postmaterial Party and for the historical period that we associate with the full maturity of the party's consciousness as the will of the masses. The postmaterial perspective distinguishes postmaterialists from all precedent political parties, and in particular, from those that have linked the worth of human beings to materialistic presuppositions. The egalitarian dimension of this perspective obviates class divisions, arbitrary monetary delineations, and the associated system of wage slavery of which nine-tenths of our world are victims. Most importantly, the postmaterial worldview is the only political ideology whose vision of reality transcends the ephemeral and fleeting frivolities of the materialist past and present.
The party's formation, then, is a response to a vanishing epoch of materialist ideologies. Its foundations lie around the events of September 11, 2001. The necessity of a resurrected mass political organization and revolutionary actor was never more urgent as as a result of the emboldened flames of the war for world domination produced by those events.
The violent and gruesome course of that war further compels the birth of this party. And in the United States itself, the obvious pattern of making the vulnerability of entire nations subject to the vulnerability of the personal popularity of an American President is humanly unacceptable.
Consequently, the highest of all of our organizational missions is anchored upon a quest of power. Power, in the political respect in which we apply it, refers to altering and abolishing the materialist infrastructure of the world's nations; to avert the conflagration to which the war of terror would invariably carry those nations; and to create a revolutionary egalitarian world society that facilitates the needs and interests dictated to it by the people of those nations. Propaganda, the painless dispensation of truthful facts, stands aloft as the indespensible accompaniment to this purpose.
This accompaniment bears a threefold operational imperative: (1) imparting to the oppressed masses the deceptive implications of their poverty, oppression, and powerlessness; (2) revealing as the source for this deception the small political class of racist idiots who enrich themselves at the expense of the terror of poverty; and (3) disclosing as the principal manifestation of such deception the aggravation and enslavement of over 90% of the world's masses.
This imperative is so critical to the growth and success of civilization that it should be composed as something of a mantra for those who struggle with us. What we are suggesting is that the world's masses are powerless because they are socialized by the agents of the materialist enemy to perceive of that enemy as the irreplacable source of their security. The instruments of such socialization are the essential components of a stratified society: the family, school, church, media, and government. These institutions exist for but the one major purpose of fostering social class divisions that ensure as privileges to a small group of political miscreants the freedom to torment and rape the masses of their dignity, and enslave them. Armed with these understandings as a political class, the masses will rise to the hegemonic origins of self-realization and determination in a single stride of anguish.
There, essentially, is but one means by which to arrive at this cherished plateau of the power of the masses: destroy the ill-conceived applications of the functions of money. The political precondition for ascending this plateau is world equality. The capacity required for surmounting it is the organizational strength with which to regulate monetary issues; the political clout with which to command the armed forces; and the desire to destroy the armies of terrorists now frenzied to destroy us. The sole existing legitimate mechanism is the political party, and particularly, a postmaterial party in ideology and perspective.
This egalitarian plateau awaits beyond the challenge of surmounting the high mountain of delusion now surrounded by the mimics of doom. Here, we refer to those who echo the self-destroying rhetoric of terror forced upon them by their enemies, and ours. The party's imperative, then, would make the intellective and transforming features of a civilization beyond conflagration into a massive people's struggle.
As it should now be clear, we have little choice but to thrust ourselves into this war; a war that would be but a war of terror except for a party intervention that ends it. For we bring to this encounter the visions of a humanity desperate for but so disparaged as to fear acknowledging a desire for a world of perfect equality; one of love, peacefulness, goodness, forgiveness, prosperity, and happiness, not merely for the neglected masses, but as well as for their progenies and their enemies'.
As we have stated, the current war of the terrorists is a war for world dominance. The nature and character of this aspect of this war is rarely acknowledged, particularly by the terrorist nations that, paradoxically, pretend an engagement in a "war against terror." The leaders of these nations, representing but a tiny minority of the earth's population, prefer that it not become common knowledge that the real basis of their engagement is their own survival. Among them, we see a fragile coalition holding mixed opinions on the key issue of polarity, or the manner in which the nations of the world ought correctly be aligned. This issue surfaced with the events of September 11, 2001 when the unipolar system that the chronically self-interested United States of America had dominated since the early nineties was ended.
It is doubtful to us that, of the present operatives in that purported coalition, either would be content with the multipolar alignment they now claim to desire, e.g., each would spring to an opportunity to exalt itself to the helm of a new order in the batting of an eye. The unipolarity of the hegemony of the masses, on the other hand, can be but the one, and firmly the one, alignment objective of a new party.
But while the Postmaterial Party is born of the certain visionary inevitabilities of such hegemony, its perspectives of the means to this objective are no less obscure. The clones of doom must grow to know a nature of reality that seizes at the roots and razes to the sea the mountain of falsely concocted perceptions of the racist enemy. Clearly, then, the secret to the uprising resides less within the bases for the arising than within the methods of its timing.
The light of this means, the highest "classified" of secrets, is unison. First and foremost, our propaganda as the voice of the masses focuses on the identification and preparation of organizers, developers, and facilitators, not for a local, state, or national constituency in the conventional respects, but for a universe. Chapters will be aware of their individual state of readiness relative to enunciated standards, and regional communications will impart a general gauge as to organizational progress and strength to members. Party actions are not necessarily limited to an electoral process, nor to chapter names that disclose the obvious association. The glue that unites this organization is political ideology, the culmination of whose composition will be a universal government—of, for, and by a society that stands alongside and equal to its leaders in privilege, freedom, and virtue.
But the essence of this government must be visualized in a light unobscured of the material constraints of the antiquated materialistic past and present. First and necessarily, its leaders are women and men of wisdom—not in the sense that we know it, but in the respect that we see it. Our leadership perspectives are, accordingly, neither of the management or administration of tradition, but of research, information, and facilitation. For in the atmosphere of our vision, we are disarmed, militarily, and armed instead with respect for our selfless egalitarian leadership.
Such respect can be accorded to the leadership of our organization because we are homeless, and the masses are empowered in the appreciation of their value. That is, the people are transformed in their respect for their fellow world citizens, in the acceptance of one another as equals, and in their conceptualizations of their commitments to the entire universe. Such conceptualizations are possible because we are all free to travel broadly, and to experience the diverse and enriching qualities of our beautiful universe. Forgiveness reins with goodness in our social relations, for we came to power peaceably, and have no basis to punish nor to fear an adversary. We know not of poverty, nor of distrust. Our entire world abides in an abundant luxury. No clones of doom, no myths of money, no racists.
The specifications for an earth so spared of villainy are a dominion of the practical element of our party's ideology. Party positions and actions originate with party members: with those whose memberships have yet to mature as with those who already are party gladiators. Policy considerations are placed before the members of the various channels and utopias for their appropriate evaluation, denunciation, or implementation as the case may dictate. Every profession by every member bears the potentiality as an international policy on an issue. Personal ideology may likewise be a basis for an invitation out of the organization. Neither silence nor idiocy is rewarded.
The Postmaterial Party, then, is the mass political party — the world's only political organization that looks beyond the present and past into millenniums into tomorrow. As the resurrected voice of the classless universe, it apparently is the only human organization that has the vision, motivation, or leadership to guide the human race beyond self-destruction. That is, this party is the only political entity that renders unattractive the temptations of human beings to join organizations and nations that would propel our earth to annihilation.
In our Vanguard Chapter, we are reviving the selfless perspectives of the nature of humanity, reinforcing the distinctions that we, ourselves, enjoy in this regard. Our enemies have misinterpreted this revival relative to our endeavors as postmaterialists. To them, for example, we breathe in order to covet their wealth; we covet in order to exalt their superiority; and we exalt in order to subordinate ourselves to their eternal supremacy. As intellectuals, our object is of course, to undermine, erode, and extinguish such primitive pathology.
Our conceptions of human nature are, indeed, of an extreme contradistinction to such self-enslaving sicknesses as theirs. Our essence, as our purpose, resides but in the qualities we ascribe to them. Our motivation lives in the visions that we have of our future as the facilitators of an egalitarian world order. It is in such visions that we hold a perception of the human purpose of goodness. And in the character of this perception, we are but left to breathe, not to covet but to live; to live, not to exalt, but to know; and to be knowledgable, not to subordinate, but to change the history of consciousness for the sake of ourselves and for the civilization that renders our, and all parties, an unnecessary instrumentality.
