The Postmaterial Ideal

Gosundian Political Philosophy

My Global Purposes:

The Postmaterial Ideal of Worldwide Equality

This presentation adapts my empirical understandings of the futility of war to my postmaterial war doctrine. It lays out for present and future generations my egalitarian world agenda. It defines the rhetorical dimensions of my abhorrence of the terrorist organizations and nations that threaten my planet. And it mounts my theory of humanity upon my postmaterial ideal of equality worldwide.

Aligning my political aspirations with the trajectories of this ideal, I introduce in this publication my foundations to structural warfare. By structural warfare I refer to confrontation that changes the structure of human relationships. More specifically, I refer to global confrontation that equilibrates human relationships -- in privilege, prosperity, and health.

I introduced my initial appeals for structural idealism in a series of position papers that were the forerunners to the articles of purpose I feature in this publication. In fixing my strategy upon such idealism, I chose to remain truthful to my lifelong proclivity to make my goals and my vision one joint endeavor. Thus, when my depictions of the reach of my aspirations appear extreme, they merely are reflecting the reality of my life experiences. And when I seem impractical in my persuasions, my defense is simply that practicality has never been know as a mover of worlds.

My narrations in this document, in fact, converge upon worlds that move, metaphorically literally, as stars. That is, I reflect upon worlds that are selflessly light-bearing and that share their altruistic heritage with all other stars. In this respect, the worlds that I explore enjoy the peacefulness and harmony of equality. And none are more or less a world in relation to other stars, , regardless location, age, or size.

I show, similarly, that no human being is more or less human than human stars. For I hold the egalitarian view of an inherent goodness in all human beings that is of no greater or lesser capacity in any being. In other words, I see the equality of humanity in all human beings as the basis for equality worldwide -- in all aspects of human relationships.

This comparison of the universal character of humanity and equality defines the theme to my approach in this release. More specifically, it establishes the platform from which I project the postmaterial ideal of equality across humanity as the sacred object of war.

Moreover, as my own best source of ordinary light, I am able to reflect upon this ideal as a quest of a much brighter than ordinary fate. In other words, I am able to ground the ideal of human equality upon the supremely high landscape of structural equality. Consequently, my virtuosity escapes the wrath of the middle and upper caste models of functional inequality. And I am free to evaluate my war doctrine in terms exclusively of a political philosophy that guards my destiny.

I devote one of my articles of purpose to a discussion entirely of this philosophy. And I create for this philosophy the unifying coherence of the political ideology that I propound as postmaterialism.

This propounding , in essence, my worldview, merges the foundations to my visualized reality with the value of parity as the scheme of structural idealism. It is, as well, the theoretical bonding of my persuasions in war methodology to my theory of postwar governance. And it links my ethos and motivations to my purposes and aspirations -- economically, psychologically, and racially.

This presentation is, thus, an exposition in the political philosophy that corresponds socially to my structural values. And in the same manner in which I establish postmaterialism the ideological constant to those values, I make of selfless virtue the quality of consistency in postmaterialism.

In other words, I use my x-ray vision of the postmaterial ideal to introduce within my articles of purpose my war strategy. In those articles, I address the implications of a new era in relations, economics, and education. The articles are the core of my doctrine. They condense the precepts of my complete anthology.

Structural idealism is the end objective in this anthology. I refer to this objective in bold terms of justice worldwide, urging preparation for its engagement postwar. Moreover, I justify a war theater as a necessary portrayal of the nonacceptance of denials of freedom. This portrayal is a magnification of the success-assuring outlook in the offensive stream of my strategy. It is a portrayal, as well, of my own lifestyle commitments to simplicity and discipline.

The conceptual grounds to these commitments drive my rejection of material considerations in matters of human value. I reject most profoundly the use of property ownership and organizational sponsorship in such considerations. Alternatively, I propose as the appropriate measuring criterion the standard of civic virtue. Here, I refer to the standard at the heart of my citizenship theory.

Amidst the shifts and swirls of my discussions of these conceptual fundamentals, I disclose in this doctrine my bases for confrontation. I frame these bases geopolitically -- that is, in terms of canons for movement toward a world-state. And I excoriate the materialist doxy -- the whimper of death -- that stands in the way.

I reveal, as well, my vision of political system alternatives to this vanishing age of the empire of arrogance. These alternatives I share by virtue of the light of my ideal of parity. For postmaterialism, the ideological essence of the rays of this light, photosynthesizes my idealized planet. It bears a quality for enlightenment uniquely inherent in humankind. Personally, it grows my wisdom. Practically, it compels me to answer my assailants.

It does so as the great beacon of freedom, justice, and abundance -- as the lamp unto the stage that brings to an end racism, poverty, and malnourishment. It reflects upon the young and revolutionary-minded -- those who will die without ever having met equality. To these, I grant my courage and the will to be more intrepid -- more vigilant, and more sure.

As for others, far too sporadic are they as sources of inspiration for me personally; far too ill at ease in confrontation; and far too temperate in creed. So in my lusts for justification, I turn my eyes inwardly to my own human nature -- to my one shinning star for inspiration today, and for my commitments to my posterity tomorrows to follow. I turn my eyes inwardly to my humanity.

For as challenge is my daily relish, human nature is my place of faith. In human nature, I refer to the heritage of unity in relationships with others; and to the potential of unity through goodness -- even with my enemies.

It is perhaps paradoxical that even in my sisters, brothers, parents, and children, I find this heritage. For so obsessed are these by misconceptions of the magic of money, so frantic as mimics of destruction, and so predictably the clones of doom. They are, in reality, but my enemies or my enemies' greatest accessories.

Still, it is these for whom I write and am most vowed for an eternity the hardest to fight: men, women, boys, girls -- human beings so often owning so little while resisting most ownership temptations; whose fears and reservations succumb ultimately to the wisest rigors of virtue; whose investments in time defy reward; and whose will to be free is potentially the most powerful, and arguably the most explosive, of all forms of human will power. In that will -- that resolve of the self-forgetful goodness of our common human heritage -- we are one, and we are united.

In this will of the unity of oneness, I seek solidarity worldwide. I have, therefore, assumed the hard task of crafting the stage on which this will may best dramatize its destiny. In my blueprints for this stage, I have a design for world equality, a road map to world power, and a variety of pathways and channels to control (of the monetary system, the armed forces, and world).

For to win, there first must be the will to prevail, and to prevail, give effective response to ill-founded myth -- and effectuate truth. To this fight, I, thus, affix the great task of surmounting the high towers of delusion now nourishing my humanity's thirst. And where there are mimics of doom, purpose will govern my thrust.

The platform to the stage for this fight is an assemblage of war planks, the timber for which are truths borne out by science, but also by courage. For in the face of threats to the destruction of my earth, I am left without a choice but to recall each and all of my treasuries to one common standard -- to bring to a war for world hegemony the means to peace.

I am not so pleased to have to bring, as well, the horrors of a human condition disparaged by fear. So as relief to this situation, I bring the theoretical foundations to a political party, a movement for world equality, and a revolution in the ethos of goodness. I bring, as well, the experience of confrontation and of an army of one for war theater. And as for world order, I bring as my war doctrine the unipolarity of the hegemony of humanity.

But while my goals in this doctrine reflect the succinctness of the character of my judgment, my understandings of the means to humanity's hegemony bear no less a crystal clarity. Admittedly, I face the mightiest of armies of doom mongers -- that is, the monied magicians and frenzied politicians. When the clones of doom arrest and assault me, I retreat quickly. Then I continue. For my motives subsume my reactions to the harsh realities of the custom of racism that propels this ephemeral enemy monster.

Yet, I hitch to those motives the ideal of my quest for amnesty, unconditionally and universally -- for all oppressors, debtors, and prisoners. The geopolitical range of this quest is also universal, for the obvious purpose: the precondition for its effectiveness anywhere is its existence everywhere. I refer, here, to an effectiveness for environmental purity -- for cleanness and goodness; greenness and beauty; for peace, justice, freedom, and abundance worldwide.

My collection in this anthology reveals that my will in the quest of this ideal is of an extreme contradistinction to my enemies' expectation that I should tremble in fear. For my purpose, as my essence, is but the qualities that I ascribe to it -- fundamentally, as a human being, and politically, as an insurgent. Moreover, my thinking arises from my aspirations as a world citizen, first, in the shared experiences of the privileges of this aspiration by all, and second, in the clarity of a world that shares a common language in theory. And in the pursuit of these aspirations, I am but left to live to liberate my idealism, fighting such that none are any more (or less) equal to me, and I, no more or less to the king of prosperity.

I write, then, upon the light of the structural basis for the war I foment in this document, as a defensive maneuver. Upon this, an idealized structure and purpose, I define, and defend, my human capacity. In that defense, I am to some degree pulled by the gravity of the will of the worlds that adorn my imagination. In another respect, I am pushed by the courage and chills of those below me.

Yet, amidst the stressors and forces of this situation, I craft my stage. I refer to the rhetorical stage in this presentation from which to forge a war to the desired egalitarian conclusion. I refer, moreover, to the platform for my demand for the removal of the ownership and sponsorship standards from all ascriptions to human significance. And I refer to the plank in my platform for the displacement of such ascriptions by the selfless exultation of human nature -- the only perfect benchmark of human value or virtue.

My stage is, thus, of a foundation on which my lusts for the idealism of postmaterialism most accurately uphold my war doctrine. And my hunger for political system alternatives, underwritten by such idealism, was never at any time before a more appropriate hunger. I mean the appropriateness of securing power of such sufficiency as to end all denials of human goodness.

Growth in the intensity of those denials has inspired a global will with which to counteract the fear-whirling enemy terrorists. So has technology. My war path is, thus, my pursuit of this will. More correctly, it is a path lined with the ends it endeavors.

This underlying value is virtue -- my success-assuring standard for the development of power, organizationally and personally, and for citizenship privilege. The powerful character of this virtue sustains my factually, and, regularly quite dramatically, hurtful principles and values. I am feared when I correctly should be loved.

From a politically mounted foundation, then, I ignite my inner lamp. I do this as an offense against the vast quest, but last lurch, of material enterprise -- the chiefliest of my conceptual, and actual, nemeses. And I bring to the war stage the imperative of the liberation of the beauty of goodness from the dim ugly past of its material heritage.

To operationalize this imperative, I have taken advantage of the liberty of constructing my war doctrine around my global purposes. My idealism compels the fulfillment of those purposes through a structural confrontation. It powers the vision, mission, goals, and eternal strategies they embody.

It does so with the justices I pursue etched firmly upon my visions of reality. Postmaterialism, my political ideology and geopolitical strategy, is my theoretical artery. The supporting standard is virtue -- civic and altruistic in essence. This combination of standard and theory justifies, and legitimizes, my conceptual foundations -- that is, my articles of purpose and their principled antecedents and successors. It enlightens and enlivens those foundations with a rhetorical florescence of structural warfare.