Welcome to the ideological foundations of postmaterialism, the political worldview for United We Stand, Unequal We Rise (USUR), my emerging political organization. This worldview distinguishes USUR from all precedent organizations, and in particular, from those that have associated their assessments of human value with the material standard of property ownership. The humanitarian dimension of this view obviates money, class, and human supplantation, proposing instead the exculpation of our beleaguered universe from the penury and misery of material enterprise. Most importantly, postmaterialism is the only political ideology whose vision of reality transcends the ephemeral and fleeting frivolities of the materialist past and present. It is the only such ideology to propose egalitarian political system alternatives to the hierarchised conventions of communist, socialist, and democratic states.

The formation of USUR, then, is emerging at the crossroads of materialist doxies. The necessity of a powerful political entity that can awaken and reengineer a civilization stifled in dogma was never more apparent than at a time when a war of ideology so profoundly threatens the continuity of human activity. Moreover, the practice by today's terrorist nations and organizations of making the vulnerability of large segments of the population subject to the vulnerability of the personal popularity of their leaders has reached the level of toleration that I am personally able to accept.

Consequently, the mission of setting into operation the engines to my vision of an egalitarian civilization is, today, the most pressing of personal considerations. I refer here to the mission of operationalizing party, movement, and revolutionary engines beneath an organizational umbrella that I command. Simply put, this mission involves getting control of the political and physical infrastructure of the world's most powerful nations. It requires the orchestrating of massive uprisings and the elucidating of the currencies of such uprisings relative to any doubts or concerns regarding failure. Moreover, the immediate purpose is to avert the conflagration to which the war of ideologies now in progress would invariably carry those nations and to create a revolutionary egalitarian world society that could facilitate the needs and interests dictated to it by the people of all nations. Propaganda, the painless dispensation of truthful facts, stands aloft as the indispensable accompaniment to this purpose.

The propaganda element of the mission, alone, bears a simple, but massive, threefold imperative: (1) imparting to the oppressed masses the deceptive implications of their poverty and powerlessness; (2) revealing as the source for this deception the small political class of racist miscreants who enrich themselves at the expense of the terror of poverty and supplantation; and (3) disclosing as the principal manifestation of such deception the aggravation and enslavement of over 90% of the world's seven billion inhabitants.

This imperative grows more urgent each day. It is, in fact, so critical to the advancement of civilization that it should be committed to memory as something of a mantra for those who struggle with me. What I am suggesting is that the world's masses are powerless because they are socialized by the agents of the materialist enemy to perceive of that enemy as the irreplaceable source of their security. The instruments of such socialization are the essential components of modern society: i.e., the family, school, church, media, and government. For these institutions exist, primarily, to foster social class oppressions, preserve privileges to a small arrogant group of individuals, and to perennially enslave the great majority of us who object to their tyranny. Armed with these understandings as the dominant political class, we must rise to the hegemony of selfless self-realization as individuals and to selfless egalitarian self-government as a civilization.

The principal means by which to reach this cherished plateau of hegemony is to destroy the misconceptions of the magic of money. The political precondition for ascending this plateau is world equality. The capacity with which to surmount it is the organizational strength that will be required to regulate monetary issues, the political clout with which to command the armed forces, and the will and desire upon which to destroy the armies of terrorists now frenzied to destroy us.

Persuading the people to reject the ill-founded myths of the magic of money requires that we successfully penetrate and surmount the high mountain of delusion now surrounded by what I refer to as the mimics of doom. Here, I mean those who echo the self-defacing rhetoric of terror forced upon them by their own enemies, and ours. Our imperative, then, must make the transcendental character of a civilization beyond conflagration into the object of a massive people's struggle.

We have little choice but to thrust ourselves into this war -- a war that would be but a war of terror except for the intervention of those of us who love equality to end it. For we bring to this encounter the demands of a humanity desperate for assurances of the legal, political, economic, and social manifestations of equality, and as well, of a humanity that disparaged by fear.

we are obliged to represent that humanity's wishes in this war for world dominance. This obligation includes the task of operationalizing the people's wishes through recruits who can be trained and supported rhetorically, physically, and psychologically in the grand task of subduing the enemy organizations and nations. The unipolarity of the hegemony of the masses should the one aspiration in this theater.

And while USUR is born of the certain visionary inevitabilities of such hegemony, its visions of the means to this end are no less obscure. The clones of doom must succumb to understandings of a combatant that brings with it the capacity with which to seize and suppresses the falsely and subliminally transmitted concoctions of the racist enemy. Clearly, then, the secret to the uprising resides less within its basis than within the method of its timing and implementation.

The lamp unto this methodology is recruitment. First and foremost, our rhetoric, as the voice of the masses, must be focused upon the identification and preparation of organizers, developers, and facilitators, not for a local, state, or national constituency in conventional respects, but for a universe. The engineers of operations will be aware of their individual state of readiness relative to enunciated standards, and regional communications will impart a general gauge as to organizational progress and strength to the recruits. Moreover, organizational activities are not necessarily limited to an electoral process, nor to chapter names that disclose the obvious association. The fuel that propels our engines is political ideology, the culmination of whose composition will be a universal government -- of, for, and by a civilization that stands alongside and equal to its leaders in privilege, freedom, mobility, and virtue.

But the functions of this government must be visualized in a light unobscured by the material constraints of the antiquated materialistic past and present. First and necessarily, its leaders must be women and men of wisdom -- not in the sense that we know it, but in the respect in which we see it. Our leadership perspectives must, accordingly, be neither of the management or administration of tradition, but of the facilitation of citizenship, of privilege. And we must proceed disarmed, militarily, equipped, nonetheless, for the living disadvantages unique to revolutionary guerrillas.

And the masses must be empowered in the appreciation of their value, in their respect for their fellow world citizens, in the acceptance of one another as equals, and in their conceptualizations of their commitments to the entire universe. Such conceptualizations will be possible because we struggle to secure the freedom of travel broadly, to invite forgiveness with goodness into all social relations, to rise peaceably to power, and to have no basis to punish nor to fear of any adversary. And we must end poverty and distrust, liberating ourselves, as our humanity, of the clones of doom, myths of money, racists.

The prescription for an earth so spared of villainy is a shared dominion of the practical challenges to my party, movement, and revolution. For example, new recruits must be empowered with knowledge that recommendations that they inject into the flow of communications has as great a potential for implementation as those injected by established gladiators. That is, consideration of the source of an idea must be made without consideration of the motives of an author. It is for our wisdom, i.e., our knowledge, experience, and technological capacity, to determine authenticity.

Postmaterialism, then, is the political ideology holds the worldviews and strategy for the invocation onto the world stage the only political organization committed to a moneyless political economy in an, essentially, moneyless mission. For to reengineer civilization, we must be the engines of the alternatives we envision. And while this conceptualization yields nothing to the one lesson from the attacks of September 11, 2001 -- i.e., that the best instruments are the enemy's own resources -- our mission is protracted in design and will be arduous. Nothing in a design to guide the human race beyond the self-destructive inevitabilities of terrorism is easy or uncomplex.

This design has been, and will continue to be, cast into a criminal light by our enemies. To them, for example, we breathe in order to covet their wealth; we covet in order to praise and emulate their superiority; and we praise in order to subordinate ourselves to their eternal supremacy. But as revolutionaries, our object is, primarily, to undermine, erode, and immunize primitive and contagious pathology from humanity.